Author: Staff Reporter

A sweeping legislative package reflecting former President Donald Trump’s policy vision narrowly advanced in the Senate, overcoming internal Republican dissent and late-night wrangling. Despite opposition from key GOP senators over Medicaid cuts and debt concerns, the bill gained enough support to move forward, setting the stage for intense debate and a possible July 4 final vote.

In a dramatic turn of events on Capitol Hill, Senate Republicans narrowly pushed forward a massive legislative package championed by former President Donald Trump, despite public resistance from members within their own ranks. The 1,000-page bill — a centerpiece of Trump’s revived domestic agenda — cleared its first procedural vote late Saturday, overcoming internal turbulence and a tense standoff that tested GOP unity.

Two Republican senators, Rand Paul of Kentucky and Thom Tillis of North Carolina, broke ranks and opposed the measure. Paul voiced sharp objections to the bill’s proposed $5 trillion debt ceiling hike, while Tillis cited a projected $38.9 billion cut to Medicaid funds in his home state, warning of devastating consequences for hospitals and rural communities.

The measure, which includes $160 billion for border security, $150 billion in defense spending, and sweeping tax reforms, teetered on the edge of collapse as GOP leaders scrambled to secure votes. The drama unfolded in real time on the Senate floor, where Senate Minority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.), flanked by top Republicans, anxiously awaited key votes from skeptical colleagues.

Senators Mike Lee, Rick Scott, and Cynthia Lummis eventually cast their votes in favor after closed-door negotiations, with Senator Ron Johnson switching from “no” to “yes” under mounting pressure. Their support came after Vice President J.D. Vance and party leaders engaged in last-minute talks behind closed doors, culminating in a late-night walk to the chamber that clinched the advancement.

One of the most contentious points came earlier in the week when the Senate parliamentarian struck down a key Medicaid tax provision for violating the Byrd Rule. Republican leaders hastily rewrote the section to comply with Senate rules. Another flashpoint emerged just hours before the vote, when freshman Senator Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.) threatened to oppose the bill over a clause requiring the sale of public lands. Party leaders diffused the crisis by promising him a vote on an amendment to remove the language.

Despite these efforts, criticism from both sides of the aisle remains fierce. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) lambasted Republicans for dropping a nearly 1,000-page substitute amendment late Friday, leaving senators little time for review. He accused the GOP of hiding the bill’s true fiscal impact, stating, “They’re afraid to show how badly this will increase the deficit.”

Schumer cited a preliminary Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimate indicating the legislation would slash Medicaid by $930 billion, a far deeper cut than the House-passed version. “It’s worse on health care, worse on SNAP, worse on the deficit,” he declared, vowing resistance.

Senator Susan Collins (R-Maine), often a pivotal swing vote, offered tentative support for moving the bill forward but made clear she’s not yet on board for final passage. “There are positive changes, but I still want to see further revisions,” she told reporters, adding that she plans to propose several amendments.

Outside the chamber, the proposal also drew backlash from high-profile figures like Elon Musk, who denounced the bill as a backward-looking handout. “It’s full of giveaways to fossil fuel industries and will kill millions of jobs,” Musk posted on X, formerly Twitter.

In a procedural twist, Schumer warned that if the bill proceeded, he would invoke a time-consuming tactic to have the entire bill read aloud on the Senate floor — a move that could delay debate for up to 12 hours and test the stamina of both clerks and lawmakers ahead of a lengthy series of amendment votes, colloquially known as vote-a-rama.

With a July 4 deadline set by President Trump for final passage, the legislation now heads into what promises to be a grueling final stretch. While Thune celebrated the initial advancement as a “once-in-a-generation opportunity,” deep divisions within the GOP and fierce Democratic resistance signal that the road ahead will be anything but smooth.

Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani is poised to clinch the Democratic nomination for mayor after former Governor Andrew Cuomo conceded late Tuesday night following the initial round of ranked-choice voting. The early results sent shockwaves through the city’s political landscape as Mamdani, a 33-year-old Democratic socialist, pulled off an unexpected lead against the much older and more established Cuomo.

Mamdani’s campaign successfully energized younger voters and newcomers to the political process, establishing a robust ground operation that surpassed all competitors. Despite Cuomo’s significant name recognition and his campaign spending more than three times as much as Mamdani’s, the assemblyman surged ahead. With 95% of precincts reporting two hours after polls closed at 9 p.m., Mamdani was the first-choice candidate for 44% of voters, while Cuomo garnered 36%. City Comptroller Brad Lander followed with 11%.

Just after midnight, Mamdani took the stage at his election night celebration on a Long Island City rooftop brewery, where he received a hero’s welcome. “Today, eight months after launching this campaign with the vision of a city that every New Yorker could afford, we have won,” Mamdani declared. “I will be the mayor for every New Yorker, whether you voted for me, for Gov. Cuomo or felt too disillusioned by a long, broken political system to vote at all. I will fight for a city that works for you, that is affordable for you, that is safe for you.”

The ranked-choice system played in Mamdani’s favor, especially due to Lander’s public endorsement of him as a second-choice pick. This alignment meant Lander’s supporters were likely to boost Mamdani in subsequent tabulation rounds. “Together, we are sending Andrew Cuomo back to the suburbs,” Lander said at his own campaign event.

Although Cuomo conceded the primary, he and incumbent Mayor Eric Adams have already petitioned to appear on the general election ballot in November as independent candidates.

According to preliminary data, Mamdani led citywide with 43.5% of more than 990,800 votes cast across the five boroughs. Cuomo’s campaign headquarters at the Carpenters Union building on Manhattan’s west side saw a surprise appearance from the former governor. “I want to applaud the Assemblyman for a really smart and good and impactful campaign. Tonight was his night. He deserved it. He won,” Cuomo stated, accompanied by his daughters and son-in-law. He also shared that he had personally called Mamdani to congratulate him.

Mamdani began primary day with a 5:40 a.m. press conference in Astoria Park before heading to Jackson Heights to meet voters. “We are approaching the dawn of a new era in New York City,” he said that morning. “We are turning the page on the corrupt politics of the past that made this the most expensive city in the United States of America.”

As vote counts trickled in during the evening, Mamdani’s supporters gathered at the brewery to watch the results, while most of his volunteers were at various watch parties organized by allied groups. The mood was jubilant. “I am in a little bit of a state of disbelief,” said Gabbi Zutrau, a social media strategist for the campaign.

“It is such a historic moment for us as Muslims, as South Asians, as immigrants, as New Yorkers,” said Saman Waquad, president of the Muslim Democratic Club of New York. “The way Zohran has brought people together in this campaign has been so incredibly beautiful.”

Janos Marton, a former candidate for Manhattan district attorney who helped canvass for Mamdani, noted the campaign’s ability to energize diverse voter bases. “It was clear that he was bringing new people in — South Asians, Muslims, young people — and that was true on Staten Island, where I live, and I guess it was across the city too,” Marton remarked.

Other candidates trailed significantly behind. Former Comptroller Scott Stringer conceded shortly after polls closed, and City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams received just 4% of the vote. Several others — including Zellnor Myrie, Michael Blake, Whitney Tilson, Jessica Ramos, Paperboy Prince, and Selma Bartholomew — secured less than 1% each.

In other races, incumbent Public Advocate Jumaane Williams defended his seat against Assemblymember Jenifer Rajkumar. Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine held a substantial lead in the comptroller race over Brooklyn Councilmember Justin Brannan, who conceded later that evening.

The results released Tuesday night reflect only ballots cast in person or those received and scanned by June 20. The Board of Elections will not release the full ranked-choice tabulation until at least July 1. Affidavit ballots and corrected absentee ballots returned by July 14 will also be included in the final tally, with certified results expected thereafter.

Mamdani’s upset victory over Cuomo marked a powerful rebuke of the political establishment. Cuomo had initially entered the race as a frontrunner, capitalizing on his extensive political résumé and asserting his experience as a counter to both the Trump administration and what he portrayed as city mismanagement. Despite not residing in New York City for decades, Cuomo adopted a “Rose Garden” strategy, keeping a low profile while letting his well-funded campaign and outside groups, including the $25 million-backed Fix the City PAC, dominate the media space with anti-Mamdani messaging.

Nevertheless, Mamdani prevailed. Currently serving his third term in the New York State Assembly, he drew support through viral social media content and a ground game driven by 50,000 volunteers who knocked on over a million doors across the five boroughs. His campaign promises included fare-free buses, rent freezes on stabilized units, and municipal grocery stores in underserved neighborhoods.

Mamdani and Lander co-endorsed one another to maximize the ranked-choice system’s potential, even appearing together on The Late Show with Stephen Colbert on the eve of the primary. Lander’s visibility grew after he was arrested by ICE officers while escorting immigrants from a routine court hearing.

The Working Families Party had backed a progressive slate topped by Mamdani and Lander. Adrienne Adams, their third endorsed candidate, addressed her supporters in Southeast Queens, saying: “We made people stand up and take note who this campaign was and why we were here and made people realize there really is somebody in this race that really does care about me.”

Elsewhere in the city, several borough-level contests saw decisive outcomes. In The Bronx, incumbent Borough President Vanessa Gibson fended off City Councilmember Rafael Salamanca. In Brooklyn, Borough President Antonio Reynoso retained his seat, defeating cannabis executive Khari Edwards. Manhattan’s borough presidency went to State Senator Brad Hoylman-Sigal, who beat Councilmember Keith Powers.

Manhattan and Brooklyn also held district attorney races. Incumbents Alvin Bragg and Eric Gonzalez won re-election easily. These contests, tied to the state judicial system, were not subject to ranked-choice voting.

All 51 City Council seats were up for election, many facing heated primary contests. In Brooklyn, Councilmember Shahana Hanif beat challenger Maya Kornberg, while Alexa Aviles triumphed over Ling Ye. In Manhattan, Chris Marte maintained a lead over Elizabeth Lewinsohn and Jess Coleman. In The Bronx, Councilmember Pierina Sanchez dominated former Councilman Fernando Cabrera.

Although the full results and ranked-choice redistribution won’t be finalized until July, the early data suggests that Zohran Mamdani has not only won the Democratic nomination but has also reshaped New York City’s political conversation heading into November’s general election.

Low-income families and children would be among the most affected groups under the Republicans’ proposed One Big Beautiful Bill Act, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO). While the bill promises substantial benefits for affluent Americans, it would reduce support for some of the nation’s most vulnerable populations.

To fund the extension of the 2017 Trump-era tax cuts, Republicans in both chambers of Congress aim to scale back several essential safety net programs, including healthcare, food aid, and financial assistance. These changes would impact millions of American children.

Currently, more than 37 million children receive healthcare through Medicaid or the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). CHIP covers pregnant women and children slightly above the Medicaid poverty line. Combined, these programs provide coverage to nearly half of all children in the United States, ensuring vital prenatal care, facilitating over 40% of U.S. births and nearly half of rural births, and supporting millions of children through adolescence.

Under the Republican plan, states would be allowed to impose waiting periods before families can enroll in CHIP and penalize them for missing premium payments by locking them out of the program. Additionally, the bill proposes a nationwide Medicaid work requirement for the first time. Though the House version claims to exempt parents, Allison Orris of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) notes, “What we’ve seen from past experience with work requirements is that exemptions are not always effective.”

Senate Republicans take it a step further, requiring even part-time work from parents of children over 14. Kevin Corinth of the conservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI) argues that this may benefit families: “If [parents’] earnings go up because they’re complying, that actually could be good for the kids. Because there is good research showing that, when parents work and we get more earnings coming into the household, that can improve current and future outcomes [for children].”

However, critics believe these requirements create more red tape. “When there’s more red tape, we know that it’s harder for families,” explains Joan Alker, who leads the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University. “To see these kinds of cuts is very, very scary.”

Despite these criticisms, House Speaker Mike Johnson’s office defended the proposals, stating, “Republicans are protecting and strengthening Medicaid for American citizens who need and deserve it by rooting out waste, fraud, and abuse.” On NBC’s Meet the Press, Johnson also declared, “There are no Medicaid cuts in the Big, Beautiful Bill. We’re not cutting Medicaid.”

However, the CBO estimates that the House bill would reduce federal Medicaid spending by approximately $800 billion over the next decade. The Commonwealth Fund suggests that one in five children could lose Medicaid coverage under this plan. Alker warns that the proposed changes would push states into making tough choices between reducing services or raising taxes. “Governors are gonna have to do the dirty work,” she says, adding that the Senate’s version would likely impose even greater burdens on states.

CBO research indicates that childhood Medicaid coverage correlates with increased adult earnings and higher tax contributions, potentially offsetting the cost of the program. “Increasing children’s enrollment in Medicaid would reduce the future federal deficit by between roughly $800 and $3,400 per child per year of enrollment,” the CBO found.

Beyond healthcare, Republicans are targeting food assistance. The House bill proposes substantial changes to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), or food stamps, which currently helps over 15 million U.S. children afford groceries. Katie Bergh, a senior policy analyst at CBPP, said the House proposal represents “the deepest cut to food assistance in history.”

The bill would expand existing work requirements under SNAP. “Research has repeatedly shown that this doesn’t increase people’s employment. It doesn’t increase their earnings. It just cuts people off of SNAP and leaves them hungry,” Bergh argues.

In total, the House plan would cut over $290 billion from SNAP over the next 10 years. Bergh estimates this would “eliminate or substantially reduce” food support for more than 2 million children. The plan would also require states to fund between 5% and 25% of SNAP costs, a shift Bergh and others worry could prompt some states to reduce benefits, limit eligibility, or exit the program entirely. CBO notes that as a result, children could also lose access to free school meals, which are automatically tied to SNAP enrollment.

Overall, CBO estimates the poorest households would lose about $1,600 annually under the GOP proposal—mainly due to reductions in programs like Medicaid and SNAP. In contrast, the wealthiest Americans would gain an average of $12,000 per year. Disputing the analysis, House Republicans insist that “the biggest beneficiaries of this [bill] will be low- and middle-income Americans,” according to Speaker Johnson.

The Senate’s plan closely aligns with the House’s in imposing work requirements and shifting costs to states.

On the tax side, Senate Republicans propose modest improvements to tax benefits for families, including the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit. Sarah Rittling, executive director of First Five Years Fund, welcomed this move, saying, “Expanding child care tax credits in the Senate bill is a step in the right direction toward making care more affordable and accessible for families nationwide.”

However, proposed changes to the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Child Tax Credit (CTC) have raised concerns among researchers. The EITC, a critical anti-poverty measure for low-income working families, would require parents to undergo a burdensome precertification process before claiming the credit. Kevin Corinth of AEI notes that this added requirement could create barriers for families and place further strain on the IRS, which has already suffered staffing reductions.

The current Child Tax Credit allows families to deduct up to $2,000 per child from their tax bill. The House bill would raise this to $2,500 but maintains income requirements that limit access for low-income households. Megan Curran, policy director at Columbia University’s Center on Poverty and Social Policy, points out that the proposal would make it even harder for families to qualify. The House plan would disqualify an estimated 4.5 million children by requiring both parents to have Social Security numbers. The Senate version, by contrast, would require only one parent to have a Social Security number, though it’s unclear how many children that would still exclude.

The bill would also preserve the existing rule that blocks the lowest-income families from receiving the full credit. “Under current policy, a two-adult, two-child family needs at least $36,000 [in income] in order to get the full [credit],” Curran explains. “That’s 1 in 4 kids nationwide who are left out of the full credit.” If the credit is raised, that same family would need $48,000 in income to qualify. “As a result, under the House Reconciliation Bill, 1 out of every 3 children would be left out of the full credit nationwide,” Curran adds.

While many countries provide child benefits to all families, Curran emphasizes that “we exclude the families with lower and moderate incomes. And those are children who arguably could really benefit from this type of investment the most.”

In 2021, Congress briefly expanded the CTC to cover the lowest-income families, cutting child poverty nearly in half during its six-month duration. Curran argues such investments pay for themselves. “Every dollar that you spend on the child tax credit in an expanded form that reaches all kids would return at least $10 a year,” she says. The return comes in the form of better health, improved academic outcomes, higher lifetime earnings, and increased tax contributions.