Author: Staff Reporter

Donald Trump has returned to power, and the Senate is proving to be far more cooperative than in 2017.

Two of the president’s most debated nominees are on course for confirmation this week, marking the culmination of a three-week period in which over a dozen Trump Cabinet picks have been approved with nearly unanimous Republican backing.

This wave of successful confirmations underscores the Senate GOP’s determination to be seen as an ally rather than an obstacle to Trump’s administration this time around. It represents a significant departure from his first term, when he had to withdraw one Cabinet nominee early on and later saw a small group of Senate Republicans derail the party’s efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act.

“My goal was to make sure every one of President Trump’s nominees got confirmed,” stated Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) in a brief interview, emphasizing that Senate Republicans committed “to move ahead with speed, with urgency, and we’ve done just that.”

Among the major nominations, Tulsi Gabbard is set to be confirmed as director of national intelligence later this week, with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. likely to follow as secretary of Health and Human Services. This comes after the high-stakes confirmation of Pete Hegseth as Defense Secretary late last month. Another contentious nominee, Kash Patel, Trump’s pick for FBI director, also appears to be on track for approval as long as Republicans remain unified.

Senators had signaled after Trump’s November victory that he would find a more compliant Republican conference, a shift fueled by the party’s MAGA transformation and an increased 53-seat Senate majority. So far, they have been significantly faster in confirming nominees than in 2017, having already approved 13 nominees in the same timeframe it took them to confirm just six during Trump’s first term.

Trump, in contrast to his frequent frustrations with the Senate during his first term, is now expressing satisfaction with its performance. Hosting most GOP senators at Mar-a-Lago on Friday, he praised them for being “really amazing.”

“The relationships are very good, and we don’t always agree on everything, but we get there,” Trump remarked.

While acknowledging that some senators needed to “study a little bit further” before backing certain nominees, Trump’s allies have employed various tactics to secure votes. The possibility of primary challenges, social-media campaigns led by Elon Musk, and private lobbying efforts from administration figures such as Vice President JD Vance and the nominees themselves have helped bring hesitant senators in line.

However, one nominee remains in jeopardy: former Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer, Trump’s pick for Labor Secretary, is facing resistance from some Republicans due to her relatively pro-union positions. Although Democrats could step in to support her, they are under growing pressure to oppose Trump’s nominees across the board.

Despite some internal disagreements, Senate GOP leaders have managed to advance Trump’s nominations on their own terms. While some Trump allies have advocated for aggressive tactics such as recess appointments, most Senate Republicans remain wary of that approach. Instead, leadership has focused on pushing through hours of floor debate, dedicating the Senate’s early weeks almost entirely to confirmations rather than legislative efforts.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune has used threats of weekend votes to pressure Democrats into expediting the process. While this strategy has had some effect, Democrats have put up resistance, forcing a weekend session last month and staging an all-night protest last week against Russ Vought’s nomination as White House budget director.

The upcoming votes on Gabbard and Kennedy remain uncertain, as some Republican senators have yet to make their decisions. Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell is expected to oppose at least one, if not both, nominations, and Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska are being closely monitored.

Nevertheless, even if all three Republicans voted no, their opposition would not be enough to block either nomination. Collins has already committed to supporting Gabbard. A fourth Republican would need to join them, and Utah Sen. John Curtis has not yet indicated how he will vote.

Despite Democratic hopes for a last-minute upset, Republicans are increasingly confident in securing both confirmations.

Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the top Democrat on the Finance Committee, which advanced Kennedy’s nomination last week along party lines, pledged to “pull out all the stops” to prevent Kennedy’s confirmation. “There are senators who I believe are going to vote no on the floor,” he said, signaling potential trouble for Kennedy’s approval.

Chavez-DeRemer’s nomination, however, remains the most uncertain. Several Republicans, skeptical of her pro-labor stance, have not committed their support. Initially, GOP strategists assumed she would attract enough Democratic votes to secure confirmation, given her past support for pro-worker policies. However, backlash over Musk’s aggressive advocacy for Trump’s nominees has complicated matters.

A Wednesday hearing before the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee will provide insights into Chavez-DeRemer’s standing. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), the panel’s ranking member, recently stated that he remains undecided on how much Democratic support she will receive.

Thus far, Senate leaders, White House officials, and key figures like Vance and Trump have been remarkably successful in swaying hesitant Republicans.

For example, Thune and Barrasso personally engaged with Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) as he deliberated over Kennedy’s nomination. Cassidy’s support was crucial—without it, Kennedy’s confirmation would have been in serious jeopardy. Furthermore, opposition from Cassidy could have fueled discontent among Louisiana Republicans ahead of his reelection bid.

Gabbard also directly reached out to skeptical Republicans ahead of her committee vote, including Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.). Additionally, Barrasso and others lobbied Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.), who ultimately announced his support for her just hours before the Senate Intelligence Committee’s closed-door vote.

According to a source familiar with these outreach efforts, the discussions were strategic rather than forceful. “What do you need to get to yes?” was the guiding question in these negotiations, ensuring senators felt heard rather than pressured.

This approach mirrors the strategy Republicans used to secure Hegseth’s razor-thin confirmation. Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.), a close ally of Thune and Trump, noted that Young’s handling of Gabbard’s nomination resembled how North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis approached Hegseth’s. Tillis, initially hesitant, ultimately voted in favor after concerted lobbying by Thune, Barrasso, Vance, and Trump.

The persuasion efforts appear to be paying off.

“There’s never any guarantees,” Thune acknowledged regarding Kennedy and Gabbard’s upcoming votes, “but we’re trending in the right direction.”

President Donald Trump has taken steps to freeze hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funds and has allowed billionaire ally Elon Musk access to sensitive Treasury payment systems responsible for handling trillions of dollars. Additionally, Trump and his administration have removed agency watchdogs, top FBI officials, and federal prosecutors who played roles in investigating the January 6 Capitol riot.

Now, Trump and Musk are focused on dismantling the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which provides tens of billions in congressionally approved aid to foreign allies each year.

Each of these moves touches areas where Congress traditionally holds authority or oversight. Yet, Trump has bypassed lawmakers at every turn.

Having returned to the White House two weeks ago, Trump—who won the popular vote for the first time—is now asserting his executive power to shrink the government and eliminate officials he sees as disloyal.

Historically, lawmakers have viewed their oversight powers and control of federal spending as key responsibilities in Washington’s balance of power. However, in Trump’s second administration, congressional Republicans have largely deferred to him, recognizing his influence over their voter base.

Despite once criticizing executive overreach under Democratic presidents, Republicans, who now control both chambers of Congress, have remained passive as Trump implements controversial and legally questionable executive actions. Instead, they have largely cheered on his efforts to disrupt Washington and challenge the country’s system of checks and balances.

Senator Thom Tillis, a Republican from North Carolina, acknowledged that past Democratic presidents have also tested the limits of their authority. “They’re going to see how far they can go,” Tillis told NBC News regarding Trump’s administration. “I don’t begrudge them for doing it.”

Still, he suggested it would be better if Trump sought congressional approval before refusing to spend congressionally mandated funds, such as those allocated for USAID. “I think it’s legitimate; it’s just not going to last long-term if it doesn’t make sense,” said Tillis, who is up for re-election next year.

House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Louisiana Republican, defended Trump’s actions at a recent gathering of House Republicans at Trump’s golf club near Miami. “He’s been using his executive authority, I think, in an appropriate manner,” Johnson said. “He got a mandate from the American people. Let’s not forget he ran on restoring common sense and fiscal sanity and ensuring that the government would be more efficient. It was a major theme of the campaign.”

However, some Republicans have raised concerns, particularly about Trump’s efforts to dismantle USAID.

Senator Lisa Murkowski, a Republican from Alaska, expressed reservations, saying, “I am concerned about—I have questions about the legality.”

She also described the generally muted response among congressional Republicans to Trump’s executive actions. “We’re all kind of getting into the mode of: Things happen, the news drops, and there’s this explosive reaction, and then you find out that, OK, well, we’re narrowing the order or, well, there’s not really going to be tariffs,” Murkowski said. “And so I think we’re all just kind of processing and figuring out the appropriate response.”

With the exception of quietly blocking former Representative Matt Gaetz’s bid for attorney general, Senate Republicans have largely supported Trump’s nominations, despite pressure from his allies to back picks such as Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. More contentious nominations are ahead, including Robert F. Kennedy Jr. for health and human services secretary and Tulsi Gabbard for director of national intelligence.

Musk and Trump Target USAID

On Monday, Musk announced that the government efficiency department Trump put him in charge of was “shutting down USAID.” Agency employees were informed they would not be allowed to enter their Washington headquarters and should instead work remotely. Later, Trump accused USAID of engaging in “fraud” and appointed Secretary of State Marco Rubio as its acting administrator.

Rubio notified Congress that “a review of USAID’s foreign assistance activities is underway with an eye towards potential reorganization,” according to a State Department statement.

Rubio, during a visit to El Salvador on Monday, criticized USAID, saying, “It’s been 20 or 30 years where people tried to reform it, and it refuses to reform. It refuses to cooperate. When we were in Congress, we couldn’t even get answers to basic questions about programs… That’s not going to continue.”

When asked whether Trump could dismantle USAID without congressional approval, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, a Republican from South Dakota, declined to criticize the president. Instead, he echoed Rubio’s concerns about USAID’s transparency. “I think it’s a lot more about finding out how the dollars are being spent, where they’re going, and whether or not they’re consistent with the administration and our country’s priorities when it comes to our national interests,” Thune said.

Trump has also fired 18 independent inspectors general, who were tasked with investigating fraud, waste, and abuse in federal agencies. Democrats and Republican Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, argued that Trump’s move violated a law requiring the president to give Congress 30 days’ notice before removing an inspector general and to provide justification for the dismissal.

Still, Grassley remained largely supportive of Trump, stating, “There may be good reason the IGs were fired. We need to know that if so.”

Last week, congressional Republicans appeared unprepared when the Trump White House unilaterally paused all federal loans and grants—previously approved by Congress—to review whether the funds were supporting initiatives the administration opposed. While GOP leaders ultimately supported the planned funding freeze, a federal judge temporarily blocked it, though U.S. District Judge Loren AliKhan noted on Monday that some forms of federal aid still seem to be frozen.

Democrats Push Back

With Republicans holding majorities in both chambers, they could investigate and subpoena Trump officials. However, for now, such action appears unlikely. Instead, Republicans are working with Trump to pass his legislative priorities, including expanding energy production, tightening border security, and cutting taxes.

As a result, Democrats have taken up the fight against Trump’s actions.

On Monday, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York announced that Democrats would introduce legislation “to prevent unlawful access” to the Treasury payment system, which contains confidential information related to Social Security, Medicare, taxpayers, businesses, and federal contractors. The proposal will serve as a test of whether Republicans are willing to limit Trump’s actions.

Senator Ed Markey, a Democrat from Massachusetts, called for Democrats to “fight back” against Trump and Musk, urging them to block all future nominees. Senator Brian Schatz of Hawaii, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, which oversees USAID and the State Department, threatened to place a “blanket hold” on all of Trump’s State Department nominees in response to the USAID controversy.

“Dismantling USAID is illegal and makes us less safe. USAID was created by federal law and is funded by Congress. Donald Trump and Elon Musk can’t just wish it away with a stroke of a pen—they need to pass a law,” Schatz said in a statement.

Senator Chris Coons, a moderate Democrat from Delaware, warned of broader consequences if Trump succeeds in eliminating USAID. “There’s some disagreement about USAID,” he said. “But the much more fundamental fight is over whether an agreement in appropriations that is a law will be respected and can hold.”

On Monday, a group of House and Senate Democrats attempted to enter USAID’s headquarters at the Ronald Reagan Building but were blocked. Outside, they expressed solidarity with USAID employees and condemned Musk’s role in dismantling the agency.

“We are going to fight in every way we can—in the courts, in public opinion, with the bully pulpit, in the halls of Congress, and here at AID itself,” said Representative Gerry Connolly of Virginia, the new top Democrat on the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, which represents thousands of federal workers.

Overhauling USAID, he added, is “a matter for Congress to deal with—not an unelected billionaire oligarch named Elon Musk.”

When my sons were younger, they had a way of expressing degrees of bad situations. Something could be “bad.” If it worsened, it became “worse.” And if it escalated further, it was “worser.”

Last night, their childhood terminology came to mind as I reflected on former President Donald Trump’s proposal regarding Gaza.

Trump has suggested that the United States should seize control of Gaza, forcibly remove its Palestinian population, and rebuild it into what he envisions as the “Riviera of the Middle East.”

Amid the flood of messages and social media reactions, there was an overwhelming sense of shock at such a proposal—though, undoubtedly, many still support it.

Since his presidency began, each day has felt like a series of political bombshells: granting pardons to those involved in the January 6 Capitol attack, mass detentions of immigrants—including those who are legally present and law-abiding—controversial Cabinet picks, and audacious geopolitical proposals, such as taking over Canada, Greenland, and the Panama Canal. Added to this was his mismanagement of the Washington, D.C., plane crash.

My sons’ phrase seems more relevant than ever—every day is “worser.”

And Trump’s Gaza vision? That might be the “worser” of them all.

Israeli political analyst and former ambassador Alon Pinkas ridiculed the idea as “comical,” adding that it “makes annexing Canada and buying Greenland seem much more practical in comparison.”

I wish I could find humor in this. I wish I could laugh alongside friends who joke about “Trump Tower Gaza” or “Gaza-Lago.” Even knowing that Trump’s son-in-law, real estate developer Jared Kushner, supports the idea provides no reassurance.

At his core, Trump is a businessman who sees the world through the lens of real estate deals. To him, Gaza represents an opportunity—miles of beachfront property ripe for redevelopment. In his vision, he and Kushner would transform a depopulated Gaza into a luxurious resort. While this would theoretically create jobs, in reality, it would serve as an American stronghold in an already volatile region.

As an American Jew, I see this plan as disastrous on multiple fronts.

First, from an American perspective, Trump’s idea is deeply flawed. It is difficult to imagine any legal framework under international law that would justify the forced takeover of foreign territory. Such an action would reinforce narratives of American imperialism and its colonial past.

The proposal would face opposition across the political spectrum. Even Trump’s staunchest supporters, those who rally behind his “America First” agenda, would struggle to justify it. As Senator Rand Paul put it, “I thought we voted for America First. We have no business contemplating yet another occupation to doom our treasure and spill our soldiers’ blood.”

Beyond being a poor idea, it is a dangerous one. My greatest fear is that such a move would provoke an increase in terrorist attacks targeting both Americans and Jews worldwide. For extremists, this proposal would present a perfect justification for violence—what could be described as a “twofer.”

From an Israeli standpoint, Trump’s plan is equally detrimental. If Israel continues to surrender to its most extreme right-wing elements, embodied by figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, it risks the very foundation of Zionism. Furthermore, even entertaining the idea of an American takeover of Gaza could jeopardize ongoing negotiations for hostage releases. It would undo years of diplomatic efforts and the moral standing that Israel has worked tirelessly to uphold.

The ramifications of this plan are unacceptable on many levels.

It is intolerable from an American foreign policy perspective.

It is intolerable for the people of Gaza.

It is intolerable for Israel.

It is intolerable for the Jewish people. As a historically displaced people—who are currently reading about the Exodus from Egypt in synagogue—Jews would feel an acute sense of unease at such a proposal.

And it is intolerable for the next generation of Jews. The Book of Exodus asks, “And when your children ask you, ‘What does this service mean to you?’” Today, young American Jews are increasingly asking, “What does Israel mean to you—and to me?” The already fragile bond between Israel and young American Jews risks being severed entirely.

Some dismiss Trump’s remarks as mere rhetoric, arguing that he is simply throwing out ideas without a concrete plan. Perhaps an alternative exists—one in which the U.S. and Saudi Arabia collaborate on a Marshall Plan-style reconstruction of Gaza, focused on benefiting its Palestinian residents rather than transforming it into a Middle Eastern version of Miami Beach. Maybe this plan envisions a post-Hamas Gaza. Maybe it even lays the groundwork for genuine Palestinian sovereignty.

Maybe.

If Trump were to achieve true peace, security, and dignity for all people in the region, I would be the first to stand and applaud him.

But this proposal? This plan? This vision?

No.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. cleared a major obstacle on Tuesday as a Senate committee voted to advance his nomination for the role of health and human services (HHS) secretary to the full Senate.

The Senate Finance Committee approved Kennedy’s nomination in a 14-13 vote along party lines after he managed to address concerns raised by Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., who was seen as the potential swing vote.

Cassidy, a physician, had previously expressed serious reservations about Kennedy’s qualifications to lead the large federal agency. After questioning Kennedy in two confirmation hearings, he admitted last week that he was still “struggling” with his decision. In addition to serving on the Finance Committee, Cassidy is also the chair of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee.

Just before Tuesday’s vote, Cassidy posted a statement on X, revealing that he had engaged in “very intense conversations” with both Kennedy and the White House over the weekend. He specifically thanked Vice President JD Vance for his “honest counsel.”

Following the vote, Cassidy told the full Senate that Kennedy had provided him with several commitments, including a pledge to keep the Center for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) advisory committee on immunization practices and to retain statements on the CDC’s website affirming that vaccines do not cause autism.

“Mr. Kennedy and the administration committed that he and I would have an unprecedentedly close collaborative working relationship if he is confirmed,” Cassidy stated. “We will meet or speak multiple times a month. This collaboration will allow us to work well together and therefore to be more effective.”

Cassidy further assured that he would use his role on the panel overseeing HHS to prevent any effort to limit public access to vaccines unless “ironclad causational scientific evidence” was provided and accepted by both the mainstream scientific community and Congress.

Despite Cassidy’s assertion that Kennedy had reassured him about supporting vaccine efficacy, Kennedy’s deep ties to the anti-vaccine movement were evident. Del Bigtree, a well-known anti-vaccine activist and Kennedy ally, was present in the committee room to witness Cassidy’s vote in favor of advancing the nomination.

Kennedy, a member of the famous Democratic political family, previously ran for president in 2024—initially as a Democrat before switching to an independent bid. He later dropped out and endorsed Donald Trump. While campaigning for Trump, Kennedy promoted a “Make America Healthy Again” initiative, criticizing food manufacturers and unhealthy ingredients in the U.S. food supply.

Although lawmakers from both parties supported the idea of improving food safety, Kennedy’s confirmation hearings last week highlighted other major concerns.

Kennedy struggled to answer fundamental questions about Medicaid, a crucial component of the HHS secretary’s responsibilities. Democratic senators raised alarms about potential conflicts of interest if Kennedy were confirmed, particularly noting that he could indirectly benefit financially from lawsuits against a vaccine manufacturer he would be tasked with regulating.

However, the most forceful objections to Kennedy centered on his long-standing rejection of vaccine efficacy. During a committee hearing last week, Cassidy repeatedly challenged Kennedy over his refusal to accept the scientific consensus that vaccines do not cause autism.

“I can say that I’ve approached it using the preponderance of evidence to reassure, and you’ve approached using selected evidence to cast doubt,” Cassidy stated during the hearing.

Cassidy, who is up for re-election in 2026, has already drawn a GOP primary challenger over his vote to convict Trump in the former president’s 2021 impeachment trial.

Just before the committee’s vote, Trump took to Truth Social to express support for Kennedy.

“20 years ago, Autism in children was 1 in 10,000. NOW IT’S 1 in 34. WOW! Something’s really wrong. We need BOBBY!!! Thank You! DJT,” Trump wrote.

The rate of autism diagnoses has indeed increased, rising from approximately 1 in 150 children in 2000 to 1 in 36 today. However, researchers attribute much of this rise to improved screening and evolving diagnostic criteria. Advocates have called for additional research to determine whether other factors may also be contributing to the trend.

Despite overwhelming scientific evidence debunking the alleged link between vaccines and autism, Kennedy has repeatedly promoted the false claim. Autism advocates voiced concerns over his potential confirmation, fearing that his misleading assertions could undermine decades of progress in understanding the condition. They argue that the continued focus on vaccine-related falsehoods has diverted essential research efforts from identifying the true causes of autism.

Kennedy’s position on vaccines played a significant role in Cassidy’s initial hesitation.

For weeks, Kennedy’s supporters, particularly those from the anti-vaccine movement he leads, had mounted a pressure campaign targeting Cassidy. However, another effort emerged simultaneously, urging Cassidy to oppose Kennedy’s nomination.

A source familiar with the situation revealed that over the weekend, a group called Protect Our Care escalated its efforts to block Kennedy’s appointment. The organization arranged calls to Cassidy’s office and launched digital advertisements opposing his confirmation. Additionally, doctors and other advocacy groups reached out to Cassidy to persuade him to vote no.

Meanwhile, groups associated with the anti-vaccine movement—including Children’s Health Defense, a nonprofit founded by Kennedy, and the National Vaccine Information Center—encouraged their supporters to flood Cassidy’s office with calls and emails demanding that he back Kennedy’s nomination.

During one of Kennedy’s confirmation hearings last week, Cassidy acknowledged the overwhelming response from Kennedy’s supporters.

“My phone is being blown up,” Cassidy said at the hearing. He noted that Kennedy’s followers exhibited “tremendous trust” in him—sometimes even more than they trusted their own doctors.

“The question I need to have answered is what will you do with that trust?” Cassidy asked Kennedy.

After the hearing, anti-vaccine groups mobilized further. Through newsletters, social media posts, and online broadcasts, they identified Cassidy as the biggest potential obstacle to Kennedy’s confirmation.

On Thursday’s episode of the online show hosted by the Informed Consent Action Network—an anti-vaccine organization—Bigtree dedicated 25 minutes to discussing Cassidy, urging him to support Kennedy’s nomination.

Now that Kennedy’s nomination has passed the committee stage, it will head to the full Senate for a final vote. The outcome remains uncertain, but the intense debate surrounding his confirmation underscores the deep divisions over his views on vaccines and public health policy.

President Donald Trump has temporarily halted tariffs on imports from Canada and Mexico following last-minute agreements with the leaders of both countries. The decision has put a month-long pause on a potential trade war within North America.

The economies of the three nations are deeply interconnected, with an estimated $2 billion (£1.6 billion) worth of manufactured goods crossing their borders daily. Trump has argued that the tariffs are meant to protect American industries. However, many economists caution that such measures could lead to higher consumer prices in the U.S.

The reason behind this concern is that domestic companies importing goods are responsible for paying the tariffs. These businesses may either pass the additional costs onto customers directly or cut back on imports, which would result in a reduced supply of goods.

If the tariffs are eventually implemented, several essential products could see price increases.

Cars

The price of cars would likely rise by approximately $3,000, according to TD Economics. This is due to the complex nature of the North American auto industry, where car parts cross U.S., Canadian, and Mexican borders multiple times before final assembly.

Higher import taxes on these parts would inevitably raise manufacturing costs, leading automakers to transfer these expenses to consumers.

“Suffice it to say that disrupting these trends through tariffs… would come with significant costs,” said Andrew Foran, an economist at TD Economics. He also pointed out that “uninterrupted free trade” in the car-making sector had existed for decades, resulting in lower prices for consumers.

Beer, Tennessee Whiskey, and Tequila

Popular Mexican beer brands like Modelo and Corona could become more expensive in the U.S. if the companies importing them decide to pass on the increased import taxes. However, another possibility is that firms may simply import less beer rather than increase prices.

Modelo became the best-selling beer brand in the U.S. in 2023 and remains in that position for now.

When it comes to spirits, the situation is more complicated. The industry has largely operated without tariffs since the 1990s. In anticipation of the potential tariffs, trade bodies from the U.S., Canada, and Mexico issued a joint statement expressing their “deep concern.”

They pointed out that specific spirits, such as Bourbon, Tennessee whiskey, tequila, and Canadian whisky, are “recognized as distinctive products and can only be produced in their designated countries.”

Since the production of these beverages cannot simply be relocated, supplies could be affected, leading to higher prices. The trade groups also noted that many companies own various spirit brands across all three nations.

Houses

The U.S. housing market could also feel the impact, as tariffs on Canadian lumber imports would drive up construction costs. Trump has claimed that “the U.S. has more lumber than we ever use.”

However, the National Association of Home Builders (NAHB) has urged the president to exempt building materials from the proposed tariffs, citing concerns about housing affordability.

The industry body warned that lumber tariffs could raise the cost of building homes—most of which are primarily constructed from wood in the U.S.—and discourage developers from starting new projects.

“Consumers end up paying for the tariffs in the form of higher home prices,” the NAHB stated.

Maple Syrup

One of the most direct consequences of a U.S.-Canada trade war would be an increase in the price of Canadian maple syrup, according to Thomas Sampson, an associate professor of economics at the London School of Economics.

Canada’s maple syrup industry, worth billions of dollars, accounts for 75% of the world’s production. Around 90% of this comes from Quebec, home to the world’s only strategic maple syrup reserve, established 24 years ago.

“That maple syrup is going to become more expensive. And that’s a direct price increase that households will face,” Sampson explained.

He also noted that even U.S.-made products that rely on Canadian ingredients would see price hikes: “If I buy goods that are domestically produced in the U.S., but that are produced using inputs from Canada, the price of those goods is also going to go up.”

Fuel Prices

Canada is the largest foreign supplier of crude oil to the U.S. Between January and November of last year, 61% of America’s imported oil came from Canada, according to official trade figures.

Although Canadian goods imported into the U.S. are subject to a 25% tariff, crude oil has been given a lower 10% tariff.

While the U.S. has an ample supply of oil, its refineries are designed to process heavier crude oil, which mostly comes from Canada and, to a lesser extent, Mexico.

“Many refineries need heavier crude oil to maximize flexibility of gasoline, diesel, and jet fuel production,” stated the American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers.

If Canada were to retaliate by reducing crude oil exports, fuel prices at the pump could rise for American consumers.

Avocados

One food item that could see a steep price increase is avocados. Nearly 90% of avocados consumed in the U.S. each year are grown in Mexico, where the climate is ideal for their production.

Should tariffs be enforced, the U.S. Agriculture Department has warned that avocado prices—along with those of avocado-based foods like guacamole—could spike, especially by Super Bowl Sunday on February 9.

Impact on Canadian Goods

Before Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau reached their agreement to pause tariffs, Canada had been preparing to impose retaliatory import taxes.

An initial round of C$30 billion in tariffs was set to take effect on Tuesday, which would have resulted in higher prices for Canadian consumers as well.

The Canadian government had published a list of U.S. imports that would have faced immediate 25% tariffs. This included essential grocery items like oranges, a fruit that Canada struggles to produce due to its colder climate.

Alcohol imports from the U.S. would also have been affected. Several Canadian provinces—including Ontario, British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia—had planned to remove all American-made alcoholic beverages from store shelves starting Tuesday.

Any remaining U.S. alcohol available in Canada would likely have been subject to price increases, as it was included in the list of retaliatory tariffs.

Additionally, Canadian shoppers who purchase goods online from U.S. retailers could have felt the economic pinch due to a weaker Canadian dollar.

While the temporary halt on tariffs has provided short-term relief, the uncertainty surrounding North American trade continues, leaving businesses and consumers on both sides of the border bracing for potential economic shifts.

Former President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau have agreed to postpone the implementation of 25 percent tariffs on Canadian imports for at least a month. This decision was reached just hours after Trump similarly delayed tariffs on Mexico.

The pause on tariffs, which were originally set to take effect on Tuesday, followed a second conversation between Trump and Trudeau on Monday. Trump stated that Canada had committed to securing the northern border and intensifying efforts to curb the flow of fentanyl into the United States. As part of this agreement, Canada will implement its $1.3 billion border security plan and take additional measures to strengthen border control.

“As President, it is my responsibility to ensure the safety of ALL Americans, and I am doing just that. I am very pleased with this initial outcome, and the Tariffs announced on Saturday will be paused for a 30-day period to see whether or not a final Economic deal with Canada can be structured. FAIRNESS FOR ALL!” Trump posted on Truth Social.

Trudeau, in his announcement on the social media platform X, provided details on Canada’s new measures. The government plans to appoint a “Fentanyl Czar,” designate cartels as terrorist organizations, implement continuous surveillance on the U.S.-Canada border, and establish a joint strike force with the United States to combat crime, fentanyl trafficking, and money laundering.

As part of their agreement, Trump and Trudeau signed a new intelligence directive focused on organized crime and fentanyl. This initiative will receive $200 million in funding.

“Nearly 10,000 frontline personnel are and will be working on protecting the border,” Trudeau stated.

The agreement with Canada is similar to the arrangement Trump reached earlier in the day with Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum. Ahead of the tariff deadline, Mexico committed to deploying 10,000 soldiers to its northern border to curb fentanyl trafficking and unauthorized immigration into the U.S.

On Saturday, Trump had signed orders imposing 25 percent tariffs on imports from both Canada and Mexico, along with a 10 percent tariff on Chinese goods. While the decisions on Canada and Mexico have been temporarily halted, there has been no update regarding tariffs on China. In response, China’s Ministry of Commerce stated it would file a legal challenge against the United States at the World Trade Organization.

Following Trump’s tariff announcement, Trudeau had previously stated that Canada would impose retaliatory tariffs of 25 percent on over $100 billion worth of U.S. goods. Meanwhile, Pierre Poilievre, a leading candidate to succeed Trudeau as prime minister, strongly criticized Trump’s tariffs, calling them “unjust and unjustified” and advocating for a “dollar-for-dollar” response.

Earlier on Monday, Trump also reiterated his long-standing idea of integrating Canada into the United States, downplaying the economic ties between the two nations. Despite this assertion, Canada remains one of America’s most significant trade partners.

A recent poll conducted by The New York Times and Ipsos indicates that many Americans do not view the Democratic Party as prioritizing economic issues. When asked about the issues they believe are most important to the Democratic Party, only 17 percent of respondents identified “the economy/inflation” as a key focus. By contrast, 31 percent cited “abortion” and “gay/lesbian/transgender policy” as central concerns for the party.

The findings come in the wake of President Donald Trump’s reelection and the Republican Party securing a majority in the Senate while maintaining control of the House. These developments have left Democrats grappling with their party’s direction following the 2024 elections.

Ken Martin, the new chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC), expressed concern about how the party is currently perceived by the American public. Speaking to The New York Times in November, Martin said, “I found it deeply alarming … that for the first time in modern history, the majority of Americans believe that the Republican Party best represents the interests of the working class and the poor.”

He further noted, “And that the Democratic Party represents the interests of the wealthy and the elite. That would suggest we have a huge branding problem, because that is not who our party is.” Martin emphasized the need for Democrats to improve their messaging, stating, “And we’ve got to do a better job of making sure people know that wherever they live, wherever they are from, no matter who they are, we’re fighting for them and we’re their champion in this country.”

The poll also reflected positive public sentiment regarding Trump’s economic policies. When asked whether they believe Trump’s policies would benefit the national economy, 45 percent of respondents said they would, while 39 percent disagreed.

The New York Times and Ipsos poll was conducted from January 2 to January 10, surveying 2,128 individuals. The margin of error for the poll was 2.6 percentage points.