In the May 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the INDIA Alliance made the demand for a caste census one of its key campaign issues. This strategy, among other factors, contributed to their electoral success, though it wasn’t enough to secure a majority for the coalition.
Nitish Kumar, a BJP ally, had already implemented a caste census in Bihar but has kept the findings under wraps for now. During a Lok Sabha speech responding to the Finance Minister’s budget, Rahul Gandhi revived the issue, making a compelling case for the caste census. Gandhi also criticized the current budget preparation process, stating, “Those elements who are preparing the budget at present belong to the upper caste mainly, and halwa is consumed by few upper layers only.”
Gandhi’s powerful argument was met with a sarcastic response from Anurag Thakur, known for his controversial remarks. Thakur mocked Gandhi, saying that someone who doesn’t know his own caste shouldn’t be demanding a caste census. Rahul Gandhi, with his mixed heritage—Hindu father, Christian mother, Hindu grandmother, and Parsi grandfather—represents the product of a free society, despite threats to such marriages from conservative forces. Though Thakur’s remarks were later removed from the official Lok Sabha records, Prime Minister Narendra Modi endorsed the speech by tweeting it.
The need for a caste census is increasingly urgent, given that reservation quotas were set decades ago, and the current population percentages might be quite different. The political ideology of Anurag Thakur and Prime Minister Modi is generally opposed to affirmative action designed to uplift marginalized castes. Although economic progress alone may not ensure social acceptance of Dalits, it is a critical component for achieving social equality for people from various caste backgrounds.
India’s deep-rooted caste system makes it challenging to achieve social justice and dignity for the system’s victims. The struggle for caste dignity and equality for Dalits has been long and arduous. Jotirao Phule was among the first to identify the caste system as a major weakness of Hindu society and initiated efforts to educate Dalits, who were historically denied access to education. Phule’s wife, Savitribai Phule, also contributed by opening a school for girls, recognizing the intertwined nature of gender and caste hierarchies. These pivotal steps towards caste and gender equality were taken nearly a century ago.
The movement gained momentum with B.R. Ambedkar, who raised awareness among Dalits and identified the landlord-priest combination, particularly in Maharashtra, as their main oppressors. This led to the Non-Brahmin Movement, which aimed to challenge upper-caste dominance. However, this movement faced resistance. Upper castes, already uneasy with Gandhi’s efforts for Hindu-Muslim unity, were further unsettled by Dalit demands for equality. This unrest contributed to the formation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which advocates for a Hindu Rashtra based on the values of the Manusmriti, an ancient text that upholds the caste hierarchy.
The RSS opposed the Indian Constitution, arguing that it neglected the values of the ‘golden’ past. Despite this, reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes began to slowly effect change in society. However, rumors began to circulate that those benefiting from reservations were unfairly advantaged, leading to resentment among the upper castes. Beneficiaries of the reservation system were derogatorily labeled as ‘son-in-laws’ of the government, and the system itself was criticized as a hindrance to merit.
This growing anger among the upper castes first became evident in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, following the success of Madhav Singh Solanki’s KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, and Muslim) alliance. The backlash led to anti-Dalit violence in Gujarat in 1981. Scholar Achyut Yagnik noted, “The educated middle class, mainly the Brahmins, Banias, and Patidars, reacted sharply by starting an agitation against the reservation system in 1981.” This tension escalated when caste-based job promotions were introduced, sparking another wave of anti-Dalit violence in Gujarat in 1985. During this period, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) vigorously promoted the Ram Temple movement, which the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) later adopted. L.K. Advani launched his Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya, which further mobilized upper-caste Hindus.
V.P. Singh, whose government was supported by both the BJP and leftist parties, implemented the Mandal Commission recommendations, which allocated a 27% quota to Other Backward Classes (OBCs), who made up 52% of the population. The upper castes were strongly opposed to Mandal, but for electoral reasons, the BJP could not directly oppose it. Instead, they intensified their support for the Rath Yatra, which resonated strongly with the upper castes, who were against the Mandal Commission’s recommendations. Groups like ‘Youth for Equality’ emerged to oppose Mandal, and the politics of Mandal saw the rise of leaders like Sharad Yadav, Lalu Yadav, and Ram Vilas Paswan. BJP leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee articulated the party’s position by stating, “They brought Mandal, so we brought Kamandal” (religion in politics).
The BJP’s opposition to social justice was often cloaked in anti-Muslim rhetoric, culminating in the demolition of the Babri Mosque in a well-orchestrated plan. Their goal was to achieve Hindu unity while maintaining the caste hierarchy. Although the Mandal parties achieved some success, many eventually adopted the politics of Manu for narrow political gains.
However, the current INDIA coalition, particularly after the two Bharat Jodo Yatras, has seen Rahul Gandhi emerge as a strong advocate for the caste census. Gandhi argues that understanding the social composition of castes is essential for determining reservation percentages. The Supreme Court’s decision to allow sub-caste quotas is a positive step, and including the left-out castes is crucial for achieving genuine social justice.
While the INDIA coalition is clear in its demand for a caste census, the BJP, the driving force behind the NDA, is expected to obstruct this effort. The success of this much-needed step will depend on the strength of popular support, including agitations, protests, and other forms of public pressure.