There was a time when Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, remained hopeful about returning to Tibet. Now, 66 years after his dramatic escape from Lhasa, his newly released book, which openly criticizes Chinese President Xi Jinping, only diminishes that possibility further.
At just 24 years old, the Dalai Lama fled the 330-year-old Potala Palace, the traditional seat of Tibetan spiritual leaders, under the threat of the Chinese army. Today, as he nears his 90th birthday on July 6, his homeland remains only a distant memory.
“In the darkness and frozen air of the night on March 17, 1959, I slipped out of the main gate of Norbulingka Palace, disguised in a chuba, an everyday layman’s attire,” he recalls in his book Voice for the Voiceless: Over Seven Decades of Struggle with China for My Land and My People, published by William Morrow.
An Unapologetically Candid Account
The 256-page book, released on March 11—just days before the 66th anniversary of his escape—is perhaps one of the Dalai Lama’s most direct commentaries on China. While he has long refrained from harboring personal animosity toward the Chinese leadership, his assessment of Xi’s rule is strikingly forthright.
“Judging by Xi’s last decade in office, when it comes to individual freedom and everyday life, China seems to be reverting to the oppressive policies of Mao’s time, but now enforced through state-of-the-art digital technologies of surveillance and control,” he writes.
This perspective further solidifies the deep freeze in the relationship between the Dalai Lama and Beijing. The last official talks between his representatives and the Chinese government were held in January 2010 in Beijing. At the time, Lodi Gyari, the lead Tibetan negotiator, had expressed cautious optimism: “We do not see any reason why we cannot find common ground… if the Chinese leadership has the sincerity and the political will to move forward.”
Fifteen years later, Beijing appears to be adopting a strategy of attrition, perhaps waiting for the Dalai Lama’s eventual passing. Under Xi Jinping’s 12-year presidency, Tibet and the Dalai Lama’s global standing have gradually faded from international discourse.
A Battle Over Succession
Among the key issues looming large is the Dalai Lama’s succession, which Beijing seeks to control while he remains resolute in preventing it. In his book, he firmly asserts that his successor will be born in the “free world”—a clear rejection of China’s authority over the process.
“Since the purpose of a reincarnation is to carry on the work of the predecessor, the new Dalai Lama will be born in the free world so that the traditional mission of the Dalai Lama—to be the voice for universal compassion, the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism, and the symbol of Tibet embodying the aspirations of the Tibetan people—will continue,” he writes.
Beijing, however, insists that the Chinese state holds the authority to select the next Dalai Lama. This dispute has profound implications for Tibet’s six million residents and the over 100,000 Tibetan exiles worldwide, primarily in India.
For Beijing, controlling the Dalai Lama’s succession is a matter of state authority, aimed at securing greater influence over Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism. For Tibetans, however, it represents a struggle for self-determination and the preservation of their spiritual and cultural identity.
Tibet’s Distinct Identity
In his book, the Dalai Lama reiterates his commitment to a peaceful resolution with China but firmly maintains that Tibetans possess a distinct identity separate from the Han Chinese. Throughout his decades-long exile in India, he has focused on preserving Tibet’s unique culture, language, and religious traditions.
“We Tibetans are the people who have traditionally inhabited the Tibetan plateau for millennia and have every right to continue to be the custodians in our own homeland,” he asserts.
He also dismisses China’s argument that economic development in Tibet undermines his calls for autonomy.
“The issue of Tibet is not about economic development, which we acknowledge has improved significantly since China’s economic liberalization,” he writes. “The issue is about a people’s need and right to exist in their distinct language, culture, and religious heritage. Since the people inside Tibet have no freedom to speak out, it has fallen to me especially, since I came into exile in 1959, to be the voice of the voiceless.”
The Dalai Lama fears that Tibet’s unique civilization faces potential erasure, a concern heightened by Beijing’s increasing grip over the region.
‘Voice for the Voiceless’ and Its Timely Release
The book’s release ahead of the Dalai Lama’s 90th birthday and the 66th anniversary of his escape is unlikely to go unnoticed in Beijing. His remarks likening Xi’s rule to the oppressive policies of Mao Zedong may strike a nerve, especially among Xi’s staunch supporters who revere Mao’s legacy.
The book describes China’s 1950 invasion of Tibet as a “blatant land grab of an independent nation by force,” challenging Beijing’s longstanding narrative that it was merely reclaiming historical territory.
The Dalai Lama first met Mao in September 1954, when Mao was 61 and he was just 19. The 16-year-old Panchen Lama, second in importance within Tibetan Buddhism, was also present and later described Mao as “warm and welcoming.”
During that visit, Mao reassured the young Dalai Lama, saying, “Your coming to Beijing is coming to your own home. Whenever you come to Beijing, you can call on me… Don’t be shy; if you need anything, just tell me directly.”
However, the Dalai Lama’s perception of Marxist ideals evolved over time. Initially, he admired Marxism for its emphasis on uplifting the working class.
“The idea of taking care of the less privileged people, of the working class, is wonderful. To oppose all exploitation and strive for a society without national boundaries—these are excellent ideas,” he writes.
At one point, he even described himself as “half-Buddhist” and “half-Marxist.” But his perspective shifted upon realizing that Marxism lacked compassion. In China, he argues, Marxism has morphed into Leninism, where the primary objective is “state control of the people by the [Communist] Party.”
A Paradox of Hope and Harsh Realities
Despite the Dalai Lama’s unwavering optimism as a monk, his book presents a sobering assessment of China’s policies toward Tibet. The contrast between his hopeful spiritual outlook and his blunt criticism of Beijing underscores the complexities of the Tibetan struggle.
As he nears his 90th birthday, the Dalai Lama remains the most prominent global advocate for Tibet. But with Beijing tightening its grip and the world’s attention shifting elsewhere, the future of the Tibetan cause remains uncertain.